By Marcia Clark, Teresa Carpenter

Marcia Clark used to be the executive prosecutor within the O.J. Simpson trial that she believes is indicative of a cri minal justice procedure in drawback. She deals her personal critiques at the trial and what should be performed to make US justice wo rk extra successfully. '

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26 Complicating matters further, each of the needle-trade unions were divided into two sharply hostile factions, one led by the Communists and the other by the Socialists. 27 By 1925, the garment-industry unions had accumulated a lot of money and had big war chests. Within the needle-trade unions, the restless communist elements had grown into positions of power from which they could dictate policy and call strikes. The communist faction was viewed by observers of the period as having two principal objectives that were unrelated to the betterment of wages and working conditions.

Although Monk Eastman was one of the first Lower East Side gang leaders to use his fists on behalf of the infant needle-trades union movement, Dopey Benny institutionalized the practice. Fein’s methods were once described by a journalist as medieval, but conducted under modern conditions. 26 Almost every strike on the Lower East Side occurred under the auspices of the UHT. Fein and his men were placed on the payroll of various needle-trade unions on an annual basis or for the duration of a strike.

Liebowitz was a cloak maker and member of the Cloakmakers and Suitmakers union. He had taken a job at a nonunion shop in upstate New York during the Cloakmakers’ strike of 1910. 37 Seven garment industry labor leaders were eventually tried for the murder of Liebowitz. 38 The trial of the seven leading trade unionists opened with great publicity on September 24, 1915. The chief defense attorney, Morris Hilquit, realizing he could not win the case by refuting the state’s argument point by point, decided to use a technique pioneered by Clarence Darrow.

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