By Peter Sloterdijk
A new cultural-theoretical strategy is used to strengthen a philosophy to beat post-war traumata, or the traumatization results that have an effect on whole nationwide cultures. the recent element is the ebook s examine of either France and Germany in its dialogue of post-war matters. The reader is given insights into the ways France and Germany took of their self-evaluation strategies. in a single case the problem is the admission of overall humiliation, and within the different it truly is salvaging a definite feel of nationwide honor. The e-book overcomes the speechlessness at the post-war factor that may nonetheless be saw in German/French philosophy this day.
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Extra resources for Theory of the Post-War Periods: Observations on Franco-German relations since 1945
Let us return again to, from the Franco-German perspective, the most moving scene of the second half of the 20th century, de Gaulle and Adenauer’s meeting under the arches of Reims Cathedral. What these two old men in fact negotiated was nothing other than the healing disentanglement of the two nations. It was the disintegration of something fatal, something that had been more than just a relationship going back at least as far as the era of the Napoleonic Wars whereby the Germans and the French had, culturally and politically, become caught up in an endless cycle of mimicry, imitation, one-upmanship and projective empathy with each other.
This naturally had the grave error that its representative on the world stage in that critical time bore the name of Stalin. Strangely enough this detail hardly seemed to trouble anybody as long as the French left-wing, thanks to this manoeuvre, not only could save its injured conscience but also could construe a victory of its own – simply as if it were possible to reattribute the successes of the Red Army to the left-wing resistance. And by means of this, one was free to pseudo-metanoethically deal with the failure of the Third Republic, with the infamy of collaboration and French colonialism not to mention the internal contradictions of Gaullist reconstruction without ever having to come down from the victor’s high horse.
The main approach of the Left in falsifying war results was not, as was the case of the Right in escaping into the national tradition of greatness, but an escape into socialist super-greatness. This naturally had the grave error that its representative on the world stage in that critical time bore the name of Stalin. Strangely enough this detail hardly seemed to trouble anybody as long as the French left-wing, thanks to this manoeuvre, not only could save its injured conscience but also could construe a victory of its own – simply as if it were possible to reattribute the successes of the Red Army to the left-wing resistance.