By Aurel Braun

Because the finish of the chilly warfare NATO has redefined its raison d’etre, extending its club, broadening its political objectives and widening its quarter of operation.  It has additionally sought to augment its co-operation with Russia, for instance throughout the NATO-Russia Council, even though strikes right here have coincided with components which make co-operation tougher, resembling transforming into uncertainty concerning the transition to democracy in Russia, a sense between a few humans in Russia that NATO expansion and the simultaneous diminution of Russia’s effect have been comparable, and, extra lately, Russia’s makes an attempt to reassert its effect over its neighbouring states.  This e-book examines the present kingdom of family among NATO and Russia, reading a couple of key components, and assesses the customers for destiny development.  It concludes that each one events have a robust curiosity in development and retaining protection, and that the expansion of the area of democracy holds out the easiest wish for fixing a few of Russia’s such a lot seminal safeguard issues.

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Extra resources for NATO-Russia Relations in the Twenty-First Century (Routledge Contemporary Russia and Eastern Europe)

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Table 4 shows, moreover, that elite members surveyed expressed both pro-NATO and anti-NATO views Post-postcommunist Russia 35 Table 5 Trend in mass attitudes toward Russia joining NATO, 2001–04a Attitude toward joining September 2001 May 2002 December 2002 April 2004 Desirable and possible Desirable but impossible Undesirable and possible Undesirable and impossible Don’t know 24 10 22 17 28 21 13 26 20 20 25 10 23 18 25 17 8 25 23 28 Notes a From national surveys by Public Opinion Foundation, as reported at same source as for Table 4.

In my conversations in Moscow, where I visit several times a year, I have recently heard great cynicism about Western motives in the security domain. J. Colton is especially striking in relation to trends in Russia’s “Near Abroad,” the former Soviet republics that rim it to the west and south. One can look far and wide for a single Russian who will accept at face value almost any component of the case for NATO enlargement or who doubts that the United States and the EU possess and are acting on a blueprint for further diminishing or, as many would now say, eliminating Russian influence in the post-Soviet space.

This strategy succeeded for Vladimir Putin in Chechnya. It succeeded briefly for Slobodan Milosevic, until failing spectacularly in Kosovo. It failed for Ayub Khan and Nawaz Sharif in Pakistan, for the Argentine junta in the Falklands/Malvinas War, and ultimately for Germany’s coalition of iron and rye. 19 However, this problem is not inevitable. Sometimes a colonial regime or an autocracy leaves a useable bureaucracy in its wake that can be adapted to the new regime. In certain cases, such as Great Britain in the nineteenth century, India after independence, and South Africa in the 1990s, the institutions of representative government for the old elite can even be adapted to make the transition to a system of mass suffrage.

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