By Michael Nest
A decade in the past nobody other than geologists had heard of tantalum or 'coltan' - an imprecise mineral that's a vital component in cell phones and laptops. Then, in 2000, experiences started to leak out of Congo: of mines deep within the jungle the place coltan was once extracted in brutal stipulations watched over through warlords. The United countries despatched a staff to enquire, and its exposé of the connection among violence and the exploitation of coltan and different common assets contributed to a second look of scholarship at the motivations and methods of armed teams.
The politics of coltan surround insurgent militias, transnational firms, decided activists, Hollywood celebrities, the increase of China, and the most recent iGadget. Drawing on Congolese and activist voices, Nest analyses the 2 matters that outline coltan politics: the connection among coltan and violence within the Congo, and contestation among activists and companies to reshape the worldwide tantalum offer chain. the best way creation and exchange of coltan is organised creates possibilities for armed teams, however the Congo wars aren't exclusively, or maybe basically, approximately coltan or minerals as a rule. Nest argues the political value of coltan lies no longer in its causal hyperlink to violence, yet in activists' skillful use of cellphones as a logo of ways usual humans and transnational companies faraway from Africa are implicated in Congo's coltan and for this reason its clash. Nest examines the demanding situations coltan tasks face in an activist 'marketplace' crowded with competing justice concerns, and identifies classes from coltan projects for the geopolitics of worldwide assets extra generally.
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Additional info for Coltan
Assuming this is true, it means about 60 per cent of African tantalite came from the DRC in 2007. 7 shows estimated global tantalite primary production by country or region for 2008. It shows that Australia was by far the largest single producer of tantalite in 2008, with all of its production coming from just one mine, Wodgina. The more interesting story, however, lies behind the 37 per cent of tantalite that is produced in Africa and what this might tell us about Congolese production. 7 and by making some assumptions, it is possible to estimate the Congo’s share of global tantalite production.
In 2001 at the Numbi coltan mine in South Kivu, the occupying Rwandan army brought an estimated 1,500 prisoners from Rwanda to mine coltan, in return for a reduction in sentence and a small amount of cash. Child labour is a common phenomenon in the Congo, and tens of thousands of children work as labourers in artisanal and small-scale mines. The manager of one coltan mine openly admitted that he accepted children over the age of twelve. The impact of coltan fever on the Congolese popular imagination in the late 1990s and early 2000s can partly be gauged by the presence of child labour.
However, if peace comes to eastern DRC and mining companies return, hundreds of thousands of creuseurs will have no rights to continue mining and companies will want them to vacate deposits, unless they are in a dedicated artisanal zone. Given the DRC government’s past willingness to violently evict artisanal miners, it is highly likely the government would do so again in eastern DRC. Some creuseurs may be able to ﬁnd work with a modern mining company, but most would probably lack the skills required to extract coltan using modern techniques.